Showing posts with label Feuerbach. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Feuerbach. Show all posts

Sunday, August 30, 2009

Best of... Marxism

Nothing truly interesting is possible without negativity; error or ideology, false appearance, are also objective facts that have to be reckoned back into truth.
-Fredric Jameson, "On 'Cultural Studies'" in The Ideologies of Theory, 633

I know I said a phenomenology collection would be next, but returning to Marx and Hegel recently in my reading has given me a fondness for my (somewhat more sketchy) writings on Marxism:

Marx, Hegel, Feuerbach: A very, very lengthy attempt (it extended into six posts, and still remained incomplete) to piece together some basic characteristics "Theses on Feuerbach" and comprehend the level at which Marx's "overturning" of Hegel proceeds. I'm not as technical here as I should be, especially in explaining Hegel, but I hope my simplifications (especially the use of Foucault, who I toyed around with as an explanatory mechanism, and, quickly after this, threw away) are generally helpful in making the problem Marx encountered clear. I should add that in short, I am generally trying to outline something like what Fredric Jameson says (as usual, excellently) here, or find out why and how exactly it is the case:

...it is a mistake to think that Marxism is simply a type of interpretation that takes the economic "sequence" as that ultimately privileged code into which the other sequences are to be translated. Rather, for Marxism the emergence of the economic, the coming into view of the infrastructure itself, is simply the sign of the approach of the concrete.
-"Towards Dialectical Criticism" in Marxism and Form, 322

...and Here are the other posts in the series: post 2, post 3, post 4, post 5, post 6, and some rough notes on where I am going after the sixth post.

On Hoarding and Specters of Marx: a detailed analysis of the "hoarding" chapters in Capital and the Grundrisse, and a general perspective on the usefulness of Marx, via a somewhat unorthodox (or at least less Marxist) take on Derrida's Specters of Marx.

Marx, Economics and Law
: explaining the "Critique of the Gotha Programme."

Spivak v. Derrida on Value: A look at "Scattered Speculations on the Question of Value" and a localization of differences between Spivak and Derrida when it comes to Marx. I should say that Spivak seems closer to what Marx says, which refuses analogies between capital and subject, and insists on analogies (in order to demystify them) between capital and society (the demystification proceeds by then seeing society in terms of the means of production), if I can speak loosely.

Gramsci on Hegemony
: my presentation for a class with Spivak on Gramsci (and, in a shockingly productive pairing or contrast, W.E.B. Du Bois--whose Black Reconstruction I can't recommend enough), which tries to explain in detail how the concept of hegemony emerges in Gramsci's analysis of history.

Structuralism and finitude: I touch on structuralism mainly, but I have a nice part on the famous "effective causality" passages in Althusser and Balibar's Reading Capital.

You can also expect in the future more detailed treatments of Raymond Williams than the ones I have written so far, as well as considerations of Althusser and Fredric Jameson.

Tuesday, January 8, 2008

The big Marx, Hegel, Feuerbach post, part 6

To continue from last time, this entry being the culmination of the encounter between Feuerbach and Hegel, and having the promised appearance of some music:

...This all may seem tedious, but it is necessary to grasp in order to see where Marx is coming from when he refers to “materialism.” For what Feuerbach does next is show that Hegel did indeed ground the necessitation of the relationship between Spirit and the Absolute, but merely did not emphasize it: he grounded this necessitation precisely in what is seen by Feuerbach as material “nature,” that supposedly non-Spiritual category that is both prior to and outside of significance. This “nature” proves to be nothing other than what Hegel must refer to in Feuerbach’s eyes in order to fully develop the consistency of his God: not the Absolute in Spirit, but the principles that compose Spirit itself. It is thus clear to us why this is such a revolutionary overthrow of Hegel, and why this changes the whole essence of God “as a religious object:” if Hegel specified what “nature” was, then God, the culmination of Spirit, would issue forth necessarily not from His own essence (the essence of the Absolute), but only from the completion of Spirit insofar as Spirit itself completes itself only in accordance with its presuppositions. Instead of the existence of God and the meaningful found within the self-developed principles of Spirit (the layerings of meaningful action that produce later layerings), God would be the result of the “nature” that exists before and outside of these principles—in what makes these principles possible. To put it yet another way, if the principles that direct and propel Spirit’s development are shown to lead Spirit to a state of culmination, then calling this state of culmination “God” will not be arbitrary. Nothing will exist other than this culmination, and since it culminates necessarily, it will be full, final, perfect. Thus the preconditions of Spirit, the structure that effectuates and provides for its development, its “nature,” are what are to be elucidated for Feuerbach, because they are what, instead of Spirit alone or by itself, will be considered real, since they make up God. All that needs to be done is lay the emphasis on “nature” instead of the Absolute when asserting the identity of the Absolute and Spirit, and Spirit will be organized from the ground up, and its culmination (God, significance itself) as well.
To digress shortly, we may remark that a good example of the difference between the two—an example one can experience for oneself—can be culled from the sphere of music. Hegel’s God is a symphony by Beethoven. Notes appear in one of these symphonies and move in both harmony and discord based on the genius of the compositional ideas that form them and break them apart: Beethoven composes a symphony to articulate and bring into a vocabulary of notes various ideas and feelings, letting them take shape in accordance with their meaning and intention. Take Beethoven’s third “Eroica” symphony. Composed in 1803, it is a grand statement about the nature of heroism and the hero, dedicated to Napoleon. Throughout the symphony, heroism as an idea is brought to music such that when the idea ceases its movement, when it is completely stated, the notes stop, and the symphony is over. Each section, each movement in one of these symphonies is one such statement of the author regarding heroism, organized around a discrete and distinct notion that occurs in his head, and together they make up nothing less than an epic series of articulations that convey this general idea. Led on by his own intentions, the symphony is Beethoven’s statement regarding Napoleon—this is such the case that after Beethoven (like much of Europe) witnessed Napoleon’s coronation of himself in late 1804, he supposedly scratched out the dedication to him on the title page of the symphony, giving the symphony itself a different meaning, a different intention. Now, turning to Feuerbach, we might say that he is advocating a type of articulation of meaning that would look like a composition by the British composer Steve Reich. In his “Music for 18 Musicians” (1974) Reich assigned various instruments a particular series of notes to play, a particular tempo to play them at, and a particular way to play them, and then simply had them begin and maintain that particular assignment. The result is a massive series of noises that are merely the collection of various instruments each keeping to and repeating their individual utterance. At any moment of the work, the 18 musicians are busy combining together their individual sounds in different permutations, and doing so only really because they are playing in the same room together. In fact, the entire work is the result of an exhaustion of all the possible permutations of the various instruments: when each individual instrument’s series of notes are over and played, they simply stop, and the end of the work is achieved when they all are simply done with. Thus, each movement of the music is a product of the maintenance of the original presuppositions assigned to each instrument. Each moment is organized from the bottom up, and does not express any idea other than that produced by the mathematical combination of the instruments. Far from being something led on by the genius of a divinely inspired mind articulating a vast meditation on the nature of heroism in his historic era, the composition of Reich is about the beauty of the ability of individuals to combine and create harmony out of nothing more than their own movements, out of their own natures. These works give some weight and definiteness to Hegel and Feuerbach’s ideas of God, embodying them, as it were.

Saturday, December 8, 2007

The big Marx, Hegel, Feuerbach post, part 5

I'm just continuing my Marx post from a while ago that tried to discern the transition from Hegel through Feuerbach to the early writings like The German Ideology, and perhaps even into Capital--why not get it all out, for those who are interested! In the next post, we'll get a visit from Beethoven and Steve Reich as good examples of the difference between Hegel and Feuerbach. But for now, here we go again:

...Feuerbach’s intentions thus clarified, we find ourselves puzzled and asking the following: if Feuerbach does not show us that Hegel’s God is only fully determined Spirit in order to contrast it with some “better” idea of the Absolute, does Feuerbach really show that a contradiction exists here in what Hegel is saying? That is, doesn’t the fact that the Absolute still lacks any necessary connection with fully developed Spirit simply disappear? The meaning of “Absolute” just has to be considered equivalent with fully developed Spirit—indeed, we just finished showing that Feuerbach does not say the Absolute is something different than the Hegelian developed Spirit. Altogether, then, all that has been shown is that it does not follow that because Spirit completes its development through historical action, it is therefore Absolute. In other words, all we see is that the Absolute remains the end of Spirit, and the two terms “Absolute” and “Spirit” stand opposed only terminologically and not because they are essentially different from other. They thus share some affinity that we have yet to specify, but this specification cannot disprove their identity. With only this terminological difference proven, then, we cannot help but implore again: what is the import of his pointing out the error of Hegel? What harm is there in making the Absolute just the full development of Spirit? It is not like we have or even should have any other conception of the Absolute!
This is the point at which the overthrow of Hegel really begins to commence, because (as we saw) it does not alter the truth of what Hegel asserts by contesting it directly, but alters it via revolutionizing this truth’s use. Feuerbach showed that all that exists when Spirit completes its development is a fully developed structure of historical actions. Now, if the meaningful development of meaning, the development and determination of Spirit, is to be therefore considered Absolute, if we are just going to make the full development of Spirit fall under the name of the Absolute as we just suggested, the necessity of that Spirit being Absolute must necessitate from historical action only, and not from any idea about the essence of the Absolute being in conformity with the essence or character of fully developed Spirit. It is not clear at first how revolutionary a step this is for understanding Hegel and the “contradiction in the speculative doctrine of God,” (the succinct title of one of Feuerbach’s most crucial chapters in The Essence of Christianity) as well as the fact that, indeed, despite all we have said, this contradiction exists in Hegel. So let us clarify. Though Feuerbach claims the identity of the Absolute and fully developed Spirit cannot and should not be disproved by specifying the as-yet-unnamed affinity between the two—and cannot and should not be disproved because their identity is the foundation of any true Christianity—he shows that the specification does indeed change the whole sense of this identity and how it is to be grasped and related to by beings. This is what we mean by calling Feuerbach’s God different than Hegel’s by virtue of its being “an object of religion”—religion is merely this grasping and comportment towards the identity of Spirit and the Absolute, merely how the truth of what Hegel asserts is used. The sense of God changes because Feuerbach discerns that Hegel ultimately attempts to approach the issue of reorganizing and reconstructing our conceptions of what the Absolute is—i.e. attempts to make God consistent in the sense we outlined above—by organizing Spirit around the Absolute, or ordering its development from the top down: in short, Feuerbach sees that Hegel attempts to construct a structure of the Absolute that is consistent (i.e. will not be otherworldly nor be the product of anthropophasis), and then derives the development of Spirit up to the point where it completes itself from this notion, such that the development of Spirit will complete itself in this structure, at this limit. The Absolute, then, is disseminated throughout the development of Spirit as its developmental principle, as the principle by which it (non-Absolute Spirit) in its multiplicity will eventually coalesce into identity with the structure of the Absolute. Feuerbach thinks this is a grievous error, because it does not show anything more than that we have renamed the Absolute—to reiterate once more, it lacks the necessity of proving that completed Spirit is not just completed Spirit but God, Absolute Spirit, a form of reality that is real.
Thus the essential conundrum boils down to this: God must be the principle of all meaningful action in those actions, not merely what they tend towards in their essence. The principle is still external to the meaning. How can Hegel show that what he has defined as meaningful action is all there is of meaningful action? How can he show that the principle of meaningful action is internal to meaningful action itself? Not as he does throughout his philosophy, Feuerbach claims. That is, not by reference to the Absolute, or even the Absolute supposedly within Spirit. Hegel must necessitate the relationship between the Absolute and Spirit by referring to the principles that are the precondition of Spirit. Otherwise he merely becomes teleological: developed Spirit or the totality of history is all there is (or is Absolute) because Spirit completes itself and history totalizes itself when it is all there is (or is Absolute). This tells us nothing! In fact, it makes us commit the most egregious mistake of reasoning with which Kant revolutionized philosophy before Hegel: Hegel advocates the synthetic derivation of a priori principles (the Absolute) from things experienced a posteriori (Spirit, Spiritual acts). By “synthetic” Kant of course means that there effectively is no derivation at all, for one overlooks any particular manifestation of Spirit to see what about it is in conformity of the Absolute. The answer will be nothing, because there is nothing “about it,” the a posteriori, that is in consideration—one’s eyes are only on the Absolute, arbitrarily asserted to be present in the world. The identity with the Absolute supposedly internal to meaningful action is still, even though it is now inside action, really external to it...

Friday, September 14, 2007

The Big Marx, Hegel, Feuerbach post, part 4

...Feuerbach begins by analyzing the strengths of the Hegelian perspective in dispelling the otherworldliness of God or Spiritual meaningfulness by having God be the product of a dialectical movement of worldly actions, as we noted just now and earlier. Spirit is in the world (or, rather, is the world) for Hegel, dependent on the actions of beings for its completion: this is an improvement for Feuerbach, who believes that this lends incredible and holy determinateness to God. Indeed, God’s otherworldly guarantee of meaning for the world was detestable for both Hegel and Feuerbach not because they just felt that God should be in the world and not outside it. Rather, they objected to this conception of an otherworldly God based on its specific effect: this view left God and meaning ultimately indeterminate. God and meaningfulness was only the mere negation of what was worldly or came about due to the actions of beings: because it was merely what was not worldly, it could be anything not worldly. In fact, if God could be anything except what was worldly, he could just as well be nothing instead of something. Thus this view’s specific effect that offends Hegel and Feuerbach was that it encouraged a profound skepticism concerning whether there really was meaning to the world: if God or significance was otherworldly, unable to be affected or known by beings, the statement that “God or significance exists,” could, for Kant and those of the Christian tradition, mean essentially the same thing as saying “God or significance may not exist.” Thus God and meaningfulness needed to be in the world, have qualities, be determinate, if they were to exist. And so Feuerbach says, after summarizing the Hegelian achievement, that

A God who is injured by determinate qualities has not the courage and the strength to exist. Qualities are the fire, the vital breath, the oxygen, the salt of existence. An existence in general, an existence without qualities, is an insipidity, an absurdity.
-The Essence of Religion, in Nineteenth-Century Philosophy, 240, italics added

Translated into the language of Hegel, this means that Spirit, in its most developed or completed or Absolute form, the form where what exists Spiritually is nothing other than Spirit itself—this Spirit must be determinate or have qualities in order to actually exist. Now, Spirit or the meaningfulness of the world (and world-history) of beings attained this stage supposedly after it had developed itself out of itself, or, to use the Hegelian language of Feuerbach here, determined itself to the fullest extent. Does it necessarily follow, then, that merely because this determination through development occurred (as Hegel said it did) Absolute Spirit or God existed? No—and this is the point at which “the spell was broken,” and “the system was cast aside.” In other words, because Hegel cannot answer this question sufficiently Feuerbach disparages Hegel’s idea of the Absolute as merely a subtler skepticism, “a still milder way of denying the divine” (240), and outlines how this divine should be replaced.
Now, why does Hegel’s reasoning flawed? Well, Feuerbach points out that Hegel needs Spiritual events to effectuate the Absolute, God, and not merely the completed form of Spirit. For it does not follow that when Spirit determines itself, it will at this point bring forth anything other than completed and totalized Spirit—what then ensures that this completed Spirit is indeed the Absolute, that they are identical? Even if there is nothing more than the completion of Spirit, even if all that meaningfully exists is the totality of meaningful action, and even if this action is determined as that which possesses an elusive, intersubjective quality, the result of the development of Spirit is nothing other than existing Spirit.
The crucial turn in Feuerbach’s reasoning appears here: after showing us this indeterminacy in Hegel, he turns around and advocates the Hegelian conception of God—i.e. he affirms that the Absolute is Spirit. So he outlines how Hegel’s conception of the necessitation of God from the full development of Spirit does not follow, only to then affirm the result of that error. This means two things: 1) Feuerbach believes that there can be no coherent conception of God or the Absolute other than that of fully developed Spirit, the totality of meaningful action, and 2) that he nevertheless believes that the way this conception is proved in Hegel is erroneous. Feuerbach does not advocate another type of God than Hegel’s fully determined Spirit, and yet he finds this God must be shown to arise in a different way. Thus, in this sense, our remark that Feuerbach seeks to replace Hegel’s conception of the divine or Absolute is completely wrong, for Feuerbach does not substitute any other “better” type of Absolute for the Hegelian determinate Spirit. At the same time, our remark is completely correct insofar as the way this Absolute is proved is really the crucial thing for the beings that are to conceive and access it—in short, Feuerbach does seek to replace the Absolute as an object of religion.
Now, instead of specifying what “as an object of religion” actually means (we will get to this later), it is important to stick with and emphasize this first point for now, because it brings Feuerbach’s position with respect to Hegel into sharp focus. That Feuerbach assents to the Hegelian conception of God reveals to us that his motives in showing how Hegel’s fully determined Spirit is only Spirit, and necessarily not anything more than this, did not arise from any indignation at the fact that the Hegelian determinate Spirit does not “resemble the traditional features we ascribe to God,” or some similar notion. Feuerbach is in fact quite ready to affirm a conception of God that is “nontraditional,” to the extent that he virulently attacks the critics of Hegel who advance lines of argument like this. Feuerbach feels that Hegel’s God, as merely the culmination of Spirit, is a more coherent conception of the divine (that is, we remember, of reality or the real) than any anthropopathized (“humanized”) conception of God—the God with which all existent religions would supposedly replace this Hegelian Absolute in order to “more accurately reflect the Divine,” to be “more in conformity with the nature of God.” Indeed, this argument against the common practice of anthropopathizing or ascribing human features to God is the main thrust of Feuerbach’s remarks throughout The Essence of Christianity: Feuerbach thinks anthropopathizing is an irreligious act that wishes to make God somewhat determinate yet retain his indeterminate and otherworldly character, that has the effect of bogging the divine itself down in contradiction. By making God merely the meaningful culmination of worldly action, Hegel, in Feuerbach’s eyes, purges the conception of the divine from this inconsistency, as well as his otherworldliness. What results is a consistently determinate conception of the meaningful for the world—what Feuerbach indeed thinks is in conformity with the essence of Christianity...

Wednesday, September 5, 2007

The Big Marx, Hegel, Feuerbach post, part 3

...Feuerbach gave these thinkers a significant thrust in the desired direction—indeed, Engels gives some sense of Feuerbach’s impact when he describes it thus: “the spell was broken; the [Hegelian] ‘system’ was cast aside… One must oneself have experienced the liberating effect of [Feuerbach’s work] to get an idea of it. Enthusiasm was general; we all [that is, the Left Hegelians] became at once Feuerbachians” (Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy [1886]). Feuerbach did this by relentlessly tackling the question of “nature” in Hegel, trying to preserve the Hegelian system and yet open it up to the empirical truths of science. His attack of Hegel was masterful, and revolves around the point we noted earlier would be important: for Hegel, meaningful or real actions have to be actions that have occurred; actions cannot be guaranteed to mean. Feuerbach’s innovation simply consists in saying that, for Hegel, actions or events are guaranteed to mean anyway, and they are guaranteed precisely by the nature of the beings Hegel says act and mean. In short, Feuerbach says that Hegel essentially relies upon the fact that the nature of beings is to mean; beings are structured to be meaningful or Spiritual. This structure, therefore, is not Spiritual itself, but natural, empirical, material. A whole realm of meaning suddenly opens up beside the Spiritual realm Hegel specified, a realm where science is at home.
The way Feuerbach went about proving this in his Essence of Christianity was by analyzing Spirit as a religious phenomenon. In other words, he analyzed Spirit from one of the perspectives that Hegel definitely was invested in employing in his analysis of reality, the Christian religious perspective: the reason Hegel was so concerned with having meaning be within the world and not outside of it as Kant or the Christian scholars asserted was because he wanted very much to have that Christian God within the world. Spirit, for Hegel, was essentially just another word for God; God was precisely what was named by the term Absolute Spirit, or Spirit (the history of meaningful actions) that was fully developed or complete. Indeed, the accumulation of meaningful acts throughout history is, for Hegel, nothing other than the development of these acts or Spirit towards a state of completion—in other words, towards God. History, then, is the history of God developing himself or coming to be. And since God or Spirit had a beginning, since there was one first meaningful act that resided at the bottom layer of history or before all the others, then this development of Spirit or meaning is nothing other than a development that proceeds out of itself. In other words, if we simply view the series of meaningful events from the perspective of the events themselves and how they follow or layer themselves upon each other—i.e. from the perspective of how they both exist as well as relate to themselves, excluding all other actions—then the meaningful acts will form a definite, complete structure and this structure, because it is piling only itself (meaningful actions or events) on top of itself, therefore can be said to develop out of itself, or develop only in relation to itself. In this sense, then, the history of these meaningful events is God not merely developing himself, but developing out of himself—and, it should be noted, this precise process is what is named by the word “dialectic.” Thus all worldly action brings about all worldly action, to the point where God, the Absolute is brought about. But what do we mean by Absolute with reference to Spirit? What does “the Absolute” mean translated into the terms of Spirit? That precisely is the question for Feuerbach. In order to address this question, then, he situates himself squarely within this dialectical avenue and thrust of Hegel’s work and refers to Spirit as God, attempting to cull out of the Hegelian idea of Christianity—which is, to sum it up, literally enacting God through bringing about or participating in (what Hegel determined as) meaningful events, events that are nothing other than events following from a meaningful beginning and moving towards a meaningful, complete end, developing out of or only in relation to themselves—to cull out of all this the real essence of Christianity...

Monday, August 27, 2007

The Big Marx, Hegel, Feuerbach post, part 2

We just said that for Hegel, Spirit comes into being through practices, through action. Feuerbach’s contribution to this genealogy of Marx’s idea of reality that we are tracing comes in here, when in The Essence of Christianity he begins to ask about what types of practices or actions indeed constitute meaningful or Spiritual action for Hegel in very frank and basic ways: Are these “practices” ideas? That is, does having a conception suddenly change the development of Spirit? Or are conceptions only “potential” actions that have no actuality present in them? But wouldn’t this mean that ideas are not really existent? What if they alone seem to effect a historical change—like the idea of “equality” in the French Revolution? Similarly, are actions in the world of beings material actions? And, if so, since the whole world of beings is material, do all actions then mean? In short, if I kill a man, is this a “practice”—is it meaningful—in that it was done with a knife and my two hands, or is it meaningful in that it was intended, conceived in my mind, and done with the purely affective, cognized emotion of hate?
Similar questions were and are directed towards Foucault and his idea of discourse (e.g. “is a discursive practice material or not?”). But, like Foucault, Hegel was not eager to specify any clearer answers using the terms the questions were put to him in—rather, he wished to preserve the problematizing power that his formulations withheld in the articulations in which he constructed them (one sees Hegel even resistant in the lecture hall: indeed, from various notes of pupils we find him in fact most resistant to elaborate using more colloquial philosophic language in this traditionally looser discursive atmosphere). This left his followers frustrated. But, as far as Hegel was concerned, these questions were already settled by the consistency of his own developed system. Thus Hegel answered them as follows: both an idea and a material event in the world could constitute an action, so long as they made up and altered the essence of Spirit—that is, what is meaningful and what, as what is meaningful, determines what is able to be meaningful. So long as the history of meaning was taken up and reasserted as meaningful (or unmeaning) in some way, it was a Spiritual action or practice (or not). Spirit was therefore not identical with any particular being—no single person could be elevated to the position of Spirit because she or he could not possibly, in their determinate human being or consciousness, exist as the totality of history. Spirit could only be a part, a consequence, an unintended effect of a personal (conscious) action; indeed, this is why Hegel in his famous Introduction to his lectures on The Philosophy of History says that Spirit effectuates itself via “the cunning of reason:” reason, which is Spiritual and not personal, makes an act informed by what we normally call “reason” (thinking) that issues forth from a person suddenly have the unintended effect of actually being rational (the form it would supposedly take if it were consciously thought), insofar as it brings about a meaningful Spiritual consequence or instantiates Spirit in some unforeseen piece of the act. It is clear, then, that Spirit could thereby be interpersonal, residing somewhere between two or more beings, like in a significant fight between a worker (in Hegel’s terms in the Phenomenology, a “slave”) and a master that leads to a revolution of the workers: the Spiritual act is not the worker nor the master, but the fight—the startling disrespect for hierarchy the worker unconsciously, in merely fighting, (along with the weakness the master, in merely unconsciously engaging the worker, in merely fighting) imbued it with. But if this was the case—i.e. that Spirit can be, as well as an effect of a being, an effect of more than one being that stands residing between them, as it were—if this was the case neither was Spirit completely identical with any particular feature of interpersonal or intersubjective society: Spirit was not the custom of language, or the idea of free will, or practice of revolution, or any particular cause or instrument that allowed a group of beings to form themselves and their society around meaning, i.e. Spirit itself. We begin to sense the frustration of the Hegelians when confronted with such an elusive reality.
But the perfect concrete example of what Spirit is and how remarkably present in the world it can be, as well as what it is not manifests itself in the oft quoted saying of Hegel about Napoleon: “Napoleon was Spirit on horseback.” The way to understand this phrase is not to construe it as “Napoleon was Spirit itself, there, just happening to be seated on horseback.” This would make the totality of Spirit itself a thing. The totality of Spirit itself is only Spirit—this is why Hegel has to take over the word Geist from its popular use and make it signify something particular and idiosyncratic that is only found within his system. Rather, this phrase should be understood by construing it as “Napoleon was Spirit-on-horseback, Spirit embodying itself in the act that was Napoleon-sitting-on-horseback.” This does not detract from the sublime conjunction of the high and the low that occurs with Spirit—namely the fact that Spirit is there and actual in the body of Napoleon on horseback (i.e. though it is not itself that thing, Spirit is in a thing). But it shows that, as we said before, the totality of Spirit itself is only Spirit, is not able to be reduced to or confined as itself within one particular piece of the world of beings, though it is within it. Spirit is only is the basis and the result of this piece, this individual act. Again like Foucault, this view led to charges of idealism, especially as the later works of Hegel took only the Spiritual view of society, psychology, nature and other subjects: many were outraged that Hegel viewed things as real only in the aspects that supposedly possessed this interpersonal, unconscious (yet conscious, rational), elusive, frustrating stuff he called Spirit. But above all these criticisms, the question for those like Feuerbach remains the following: what type of action is Napoleon here? What, more specifically than meaning, can allow us to distinguish another type of Spiritual act in the future if we see one? Hegel refuses to give one on these terms, and remains within his own discourse.
Unlike Foucault, however, despite this ambivalence to specification, we already see that this conception of Spirit irreducible to a conventionally defined type of action indeed allowed Hegel remarkable specificity in what was considered meaningful Spiritual action: as we saw, an action was not Spiritual when it did not take up meaning and the accumulation of meaning in its unfolding. Elaborating on the consequences of this, we can see two main spheres of occurrences (that, we should note, also subsume the various occurrences we have just described) excluded from the realm of Spirituality. First, a mere happening, like the chemical processes within a leaf on a tree, is not Spiritual. It does not take up meaning but leaves meaning alone, and confines itself to a mere operation that would ensure its own growth. This is why we have to continually use the phrase “world of beings” when referring to the world that participates in Hegel’s Spirit: using just “world” would invite the assumption that the natural world, which for the most part leaves meaning alone, was meaningful. The Spiritual world is a world of beings, of things that exist in meaning. Indeed, Hegel called this sphere of what in itself leaves the issue of meaning alone and keeps to itself “nature.” Along with these “natural” types of happenings, there is also a second sphere of happenings that leaves meaning as it is, does not change meaning: it would be something like the death of the poor in the streets of Berlin. This is a mere fact: it occurs, but it does not alter anything within the Spiritual world of beings; it is a result of the changes in meaning that constitutes the meaningful—such as the general opinion within Berlin of the poor, which was that they (the poor) do not work hard enough (or at least as hard as the bourgeoisie) and thus deserve their poverty. If this were to change, and change because of a poor person dying in the streets, then the death would be meaningful, would be Spiritual. But as it is it just issues from the general formation of Spirit at that time. For Hegel, the question was not whether these types of actions should matter or not, but whether they genuinely contributed to the development of the world of beings in history. What was absolutely clear was that if they did not, then they were excluded from this history—the history of meaning.
Now, the best Hegelians, like Feuerbach and Marx, did not quibble with the question of whether Hegel was being idealist or not merely by invoking something intersubjective, unconscious, elusive, etc. as reality, which was and still is the most prevalent and most banal criticism of Hegel. Rather they saw precisely these exclusions and what caused them as the foremost problem: in the end, it was not Hegel’s ambivalence towards specifying a particular type of action that would constitute Spirit and reality, but the specificity this ambivalence produced that tyrannized any attempt to analyze phenomena within the world of beings, any attempt to get at reality. How could one tell whether something was genuinely part of the world of meaningful beings or not? And were Hegel’s judgments as to what was meaningful anywhere near correct? Here the stakes are higher than any inane question about idealism, for if something was not deemed Spiritual, it simply did not need to count as meaningful. More: it did not really exist from the perspective of reality. With one move, Hegel excluded the two spheres we delineated from existence. Essentially, he made all the findings of natural science into things that were interesting, but did not count—because they related to a world of “nature” and not of Spirit (and he did this without specifying whether the ideas of science or its material, empirical findings were meaningless). Was this correct? Did the findings of science fail to constitute any truth, anything eternally meaningful in itself for beings, other than the truth that resulted from their altering the ability of beings to mean? Were there not natural truths, like gravity? Similarly, were there not truths about society and the operation of society? Is the poor worker dying in the street to be regarded forever only as a mere effect of the development of meaning? Hegel apparently could tell that these things did not matter, for he could divine what was meaningful. But for others who followed him, how could they legitimately see something that fell within these two spheres and tell whether it was meaningful or not? In the late 1830’s and early 1840’s, clear historical figures like Napoleon were gone, and the task at hand was precisely to divine, within the poor cities and with the aid of the flourishing sciences, what was meaningful!
This is where Hegel’s followers—most were former students of Hegel at the University of Berlin, still in their youth—split. The Right Hegelians decided to remain in a perspective that could see only “Napoleonic” forces, and simply looked around them and affirmed that these two spheres were as unimportant as Hegel said they were. This amounted to saying that the current state of their society was meaningful and did not need to change unless some larger, recognizably meaningful force came on the scene. These were mostly students of Hegel who had risen to positions within the German universities and taught the coherence of Hegel’s perspective to the next generation of philosophy students. As Hegel was celebrated within certain spheres of the academics, most notably in Berlin among Hegel’s old colleagues, and as these academics now controlled the ability to appoint younger faculty, these young Hegelians seeking steady positions within the educational system could espouse this view of Hegel in their papers and in their classes (that is, the view Hegel’s old contemporaries held—this is why Marx calls this young group the “Old Hegelians” in The German Ideology) and ensure themselves a post as well as success. It was not merely a matter of allegiances to a “doctrinal” view of Hegel that got these Right Hegelians the posts, either, for a few years after Hegel’s death Hegelianism in general went under attack throughout the academy, and yet those who were more conservative Hegelians still got posts. Evidently, affirming the current state of society had no problem of poverty except as an effect of the infinitely more profound creation of meaning in the world was a political move—thus most of these Right Hegelians tended to be “Right” or conservative in their political views. The Left Hegelians, which included Feuerbach and, for a time, Marx, took the opposite approach, attempting to revise Hegel to be able to see into the two spheres excluded by Hegel’s conception of Spirit. In doing so, each had to somehow address the first, which as we saw dealt with the position of “nature” in Hegel, in order to address the second, more interesting (to them) sphere concerning the state of society and its inadequacies—again we see this as a political move, a “Leftist” or liberal move. The essence of their movement was to use and apply Hegel to analyze society through what they called “criticism:” it was very similar to how the Frankfurt School later used and applied Marx...

Wednesday, August 22, 2007

The big Marx, Hegel, Feuerbach post, part 1

Looking at Marx’s early writings from the period of 1844-1846 (the Economic and Political Manuscripts of 1844, the Theses on Feuerbach, and The German Ideology), we can see that, apart from whatever else may be pursued in them, Marx’s thought unifies around the basic task of trying to conceive of a perspective from which societies can be viewed that is not fundamentally Hegelian. That is, the general thrust of his thought centers around the task of viewing social phenomena without reference to the basic conception of reality (or what exists, existence) that was espoused by Hegel. To do this, he uses ideas from Feuerbach’s The Essence of Christianity, published in 1841, through will radicalize these ideas to the point of breaking them, and, with them, the Hegelian conception of reality—this is why so much of the work from this period deals with Feuerbach as well as with the “German Ideologists” or Left-Hegelians who were developing positions similar to Feuerbach’s. This reality in Hegel was vaguely defined as Spirit or Geist, which had, in the later works of Hegel, seemed to be something increasingly idealist in nature. This reality in Feuerbach, then, was asserted to be material, or natural, in order to salvage what Feuerbach saw as the potential of the Hegelian dialectic. Thus, in the writings of Marx in this period, we see a fine distinction being made about the nature of reality in contradistinction to these two thinkers. The result will be “historical materialism,” a type of reality that is more rigorously materialist than Feuerbach’s precisely by opening itself up to the Spiritual structure of reality (which manifests itself as history) found in Hegel. This is the reality that we find asserted in The German Ideology and allows the development of the theory of societies that we find in Communist Manifesto. Much later, it will provide the foundation for the reflections on the nature of the commodity in the early parts of Capital. Here, we will provide a brief genealogy of what exists for Marx with reference to these early writings. We should keep in mind that an answer to perhaps the most basic question about Marx will result from all this: why does Marx hold the sphere of political economy as so exceedingly determinative for the construction of society and the lives of individuals in this society? In short, we will end up showing that it is because Marx has a specific view of reality, and has developed this view out of the powerful system of Hegel, that this sphere comes to take on such vital importance for him.

The nature of reality for Hegel, as we said, was Geist—a word that we translate as “Spirit” (the translation of Geist as “Mind” is unanimously in disfavor among scholars), but which has an incredibly important and incredibly specific sense for Hegel. What is this sense; what is Geist? Well, to get a flavor for it, we can say it is a lot like what Foucault named “discourse:” a set of practices that coagulate and structure themselves to operate in a particular manner, the manner of power (i.e. they exert power upon something, form it, shape it, etc.), and in such a way that this structuring and this operating is their power itself (it includes this forming, shaping force in its being-structured in this particular way). Leaving the comparison to Foucault behind—for the language of power is a precise Nietzschian language implying many concepts that Hegel does not conceive or mean by “Geist”—we may more precisely characterize Geist—the essence of Hegelian reality—as the totality constituted by all world practices, or, expressed differently, all the actions (Tun, in German) within the world of beings that generate meaning for that world of beings.
What do we mean by meaning? Well, any action that justifies the existence of the world of beings to itself, to that world; anything that answers the question “why is there a world of beings instead of nothing?” Geist is the totality of the answers to this question manifesting themselves in actions; it is the substantive genealogy of significance, worth, value—meaningfulness itself. Now, these meaningful actions have to be actions that have occurred for Hegel: he is not talking about any mere potential to give itself meaning that the world possesses when he talks about Geist. This is a crucial distinction we will return to soon when considering Feuerbach. It is also the distinction that makes Hegel break from Kant, as well as from much of the Christian tradition: for Kant and many Christian scholars, the meaning of the world is guaranteed to exist irrespective of any actions of beings within that world of beings—namely, the world is guaranteed to exist in and by God. Because God created the world of beings, what happens there will always in a sense carry the meaning that God gave and gives it in His creation of it—the question as to why the world of beings exists instead of nothing is always already decided in advance or a priori (as Kant declares) by God, who knows or keeps in reserve (in some space outside the world of beings) the powerful and sublime activity that is the answer. For Hegel, however, there is no meaning outside the meaningful actions of beings themselves, and the accumulated mass of these meanings.
Thus, we can say that what is Geistlich or Spiritual is what we normally designate as history, actual acts that have justified the existence of the world of beings to itself over the course of time. Geist, then, is a sort of historical sediment or residue containing the various meanings (or meaningful acts) that have existed for beings, which has separated itself from the general passing-by of unmeaning events and proceeded to harden and form into layers one upon another so that it produces a structure like that in an exposed wall of rock or dirt—the crust of the earth having somehow been disturbed so that this wall juts out from it. Just as the layering of the sediment of various epochs moves upward as it piles itself upon itself and culminates in the present time, the history of meaning moves towards the meanings that the world of beings now possesses. In fact, we specify this present state and get at the nature of Geist participating in our present when we use the phrase “the spirit of our times” (from the German Zeitgeist, “time-spirit” ). This “spirit” is what we can determine at any particular moment in history as the general thrust underlying or being effectuated by all meaningful action; what underneath everything is the general essence of a period of time. Geist itself then is this general underlying thrust of the entirety of beings throughout time—it is the “spirit of the times,” the spirit of time. But Geist or Spirit is not merely a compendium or index of various moments in history built up by various “spirits of the age” come onto the scene: it is also the development of these various meanings, the meaningful actions that change how meaning is possible and bring new layers or meanings onto the scene in different ways—in fact, these are the most important events of history and the most Spiritual for Hegel. If we understand Spirit in this more precise way, then the geological illustration we just used breaks down: it is not as if meanings of particular instances in time are self-contained layers piling up upon one another, for these layers influence each other, mix—such that even the first and deepest layer can combine with the top one. The layers need to be fluid to be conceived correctly, in such a way that each top layer that gets added takes up all of the lower layers and reasserts them as themselves in its own existence there (on the top of all of them): in order to be on top, this top layer must reassert all the others as below. The meaning of any particular layer, then, is never fixed ; it can be taken up into the reality of the present day because it is that reality (it constituted it), and therefore can be changed in its ability to mean or be real based on the present reality—in fact it could just as well become meaningless or lose its reality based on the present.
In sum, then, reality for Hegel is the meaning of the world of beings that this world has for itself. This meaning is also the history of meanings that have paved the way for the present meaning or “spirit of the time.” Finally, this meaning is brought forth or comes to exist only in any meaningful action in the world of beings—the meaning of the world of beings is not guaranteed for it in some separate sphere but only comes about among beings in the world and their meaningful actions...

Thursday, June 14, 2007

How Marx's theory of history came to be, part 1

Looking at Marx’s early writings from the period of 1844-1846 (the Economic and Political Manuscripts of 1844, the Theses on Feuerbach, and The German Ideology), we can see that, apart from whatever else may be pursued in them, Marx’s thought unifies around the basic task of trying to conceive of a perspective from which societies can be viewed that is not fundamentally Hegelian. That is, the general thrust of his thought centers around the task of viewing social phenomena without reference to the basic conception of reality (or what exists) that was espoused by Hegel. To do this, he uses ideas from Feuerbach’s The Essence of Christianity, published in 1841, through will radicalize these ideas to the point of overthrowing them, and, with them, the Hegelian conception of reality—this is why so much of the work from this period deals with Feuerbach as well as with the “German Ideologists” or Left-Hegelians who were developing positions similar to Feuerbach’s. This reality in Hegel was vaguely defined as Spirit or Geist, which had, in the later works of Hegel, seemed to be something increasingly idealist in nature. This reality in Feuerbach, then, was asserted to be material, or natural, in order to salvage what Feuerbach saw as the potential of the Hegelian dialectic. Thus, in the writings of Marx in this period, we see a fine distinction being made about the nature of reality in contradistinction to these two thinkers. The result will be “historical materialism,” a type of reality that is more rigorously materialist than Feuerbach precisely by opening itself up to the Spiritual potential of reality (which manifests itself as history) found in Hegel. This is the reality that we find asserted in The German Ideology and allows the development of the theory of societies that we find in Communist Manifesto. Much later, it will provide the foundation for the reflections on the nature of the commodity in the early parts of Capital. Here, we will provide a brief genealogy what exists for Marx with reference to these early writings.
The nature of reality for Hegel, as we said, was Geist—a word that we translate as “Spirit” (the translation of Geist as “Mind” is unanimously in disfavor among philosophers), but which has an incredibly important and incredibly specific sense for Hegel. What is this sense; what is Geist? Well, to get a flavor for it, we can say it is a lot like the Foucauldian conception of “discourse:” a set of practices that coagulate and structure themselves to operate in a particular manner, the manner of power (i.e. they exert power upon something, form it, shape it, etc.), and in such a way that this structuring and this operating is their power itself (it includes this forming, shaping force in its being structured in this particular way). Leaving the comparison to Foucault behind—for the language of power is a precise language that Hegel does not conceive—we may more precisely characterize Geist—the nature of Hegelian reality—as the totality constituted by all world practices, or, expressed differently, all the actions (Tun) within the world of beings that generate meaning for that world of beings.
What do we mean by meaning? Well, any action that justifies the existence of the world of beings to itself, anything that answers the question “why is there a world of beings instead of nothing?” Geist is the totality of the answers to this question manifesting themselves in actions. Now, these meaningful actions have to be actions that have occurred for Hegel: he is not talking about any mere potential that the world has to give itself meaning when he talks about Geist. This is a crucial distinction we will return to soon when considering Feuerbach. It is also the distinction that makes Hegel break from Kant, as well as from much of the Christian tradition: for Kant and many Christians, the meaning of the world is guaranteed to exist irrespective of any actions of beings within that world of beings—namely, in God. Because God created the world of beings, what happens there will always in a sense carry the meaning that God gave and gives it in His creation of it—the question as to why the world of beings exists instead of nothing is always already decided in advance or a priori (as Kant declares) by God, who knows or keeps in reserve (outside the world of beings) the answer. For Hegel, however, there is no meaning outside the meaningful actions of beings themselves, and the accumulated mass of these meanings.
Thus, we can say that what is Geistlich is history, actual acts that have justified the existence of the world of beings to itself over the course of time. Geist, then, is a sort of sediment containing the various meanings that have existed for beings, which hardens and forms into layers one upon another like in a wall of rock that exposes the crust of the earth. The layering moves upward and culminates in the present time. So too does the history of meaning move towards the meanings the world of beings now has. In fact, we specify this present state and get at the nature of Geist participating in our present when we use the phrase “the spirit of our times.” This “spirit” is what we can determine at any particular moment in history as the general thrust underlying all meaningful action; what underneath everything is the general thrust of a period of time. Geist itself then is this general underlying thrust of the entirety of beings throughout time—it is the “spirit of the times.” But Geist or Spirit is not merely a compendium of various moments in history when a “spirit of the age” comes on the scene: it is also the development of these various meanings, the meaningful actions that change how meaning is possible—in fact, these are the most important events of history and the most Spiritual for Hegel. So the geological illustration we just used breaks down: it is not as if meanings of particular instances in time are self-contained layers piling up upon one another, for these layers influence each other, mix—such that even the first and deepest layer can combine with the top one. The layers need to be fluid to be conceived correctly, in such a way that each top layer that gets added takes up all of the lower layers and reasserts them as themselves in its own existence on the top of all of them. The meaning of any particular layer, then, is never fixed (as a side note, this is why we cannot use Freud’s Wunderblock or “Mystic Writing Pad” as a replacement for our metaphor, because it preserves all previous layers as they were when they first were etched in); it can be taken up into the reality of the present day because it is that reality (it constituted it), and therefore can be changed in its ability to mean or be real based on the present reality—in fact it could just as well become meaningless or lose its reality based on the present.
In sum, then, reality for Hegel is the meaning of the world of beings that it has for itself. This meaning is also the history of meanings that have paved the way for the present meaning or “spirit of the time.” Finally, this meaning is brought forth or comes to exist only in any meaningful action in the world of beings—the meaning of the world of beings is not guaranteed for it in some separate sphere but only comes about among beings in the world and their meaningful actions.
We said that for Hegel, Spirit comes into being through practices, through action. Feuerbach’s contribution to this genealogy of Marx’s idea of reality that we are tracing comes in here, when in The Essence of Christianity he begins to ask about what types of practices or actions indeed constitute meaningful or Spiritual action for Hegel in very frank and basic ways. Are these “practices” ideas? That is, does having a conception suddenly change the development of Spirit? Or are they only “potential” actions? Similarly, are actions in the world of beings material actions? And, if so, since the whole world of beings is material, do all actions then mean? In short, if I kill a man, is this a “practice”—is it meaningful—in that it was done with a knife and my two hands, or is it meaningful in that it was intended and done with hate?
Similar questions were and are directed towards Foucault and his idea of discourse. But, like Foucault, Hegel was not eager to specify any clearer answers—and this left his followers frustrated. For Hegel, it essentially came down to this: both an idea and a material event in the world could constitute an action, so long as they altered the nature of Spirit—that is, what is meaningful and what, as what is meaningful, determines what is able to be meaningful. So long as the history of meaning was taken up and reasserted as meaningful or unmeaning in some way, it was a Spiritual action or practice. Spirit was therefore not identical with any particular being—no single person could be elevated to the position of Spirit because she or he could not possibly, in their determinate human being, exist as the totality of history. Spirit could only be a part, a consequence, an unintended effect of a personal action; indeed, this is why Hegel says that Spirit effectuates itself via “the cunning of reason:” reason, which is Spiritual and not personal, makes an act informed by what we normally call “reason” that issues forth from a person suddenly have the unintended effect of actually being rational, insofar as it brings about a meaningful Spiritual consequence or instantiates Spirit in some unforeseen piece of the act. It is clear, then, that Spirit could thereby be interpersonal, residing somewhere between two beings, like in a significant fight between a worker and a master that leads to a revolution of the workers: the Spiritual act is not the worker nor the master, but the fight. But if this was the case—i.e. that Spirit can be, as well as an effect of a being, an effect of more than one being residing between them, as it were—if this was the case neither was Spirit absolutely identical with any particular feature of interpersonal society: Spirit was not the custom of language, or the idea of free will, or practice of revolution, or any particular cause or instrument that allowed a group of beings to form themselves and their society around meaning, i.e. Spirit itself. We begin to sense the frustration of the Hegelians when confronted with such an elusive reality.
But the perfect concrete example of what Spirit is and how remarkably present in the world it can be, as well as what it is not manifests itself in the oft quoted saying of Hegel about Napoleon: “Napoleon was Spirit on horseback.” The way to understand this phrase is not to construe it as “Napoleon was Spirit itself, there, just happening to be seated on horseback.” This would make the totality of Spirit itself a thing. The totality of Spirit itself is only Spirit—this is why Hegel has to take over the word Geist from its popular use and make it signify something particular and idiosyncratic that is only found within his system. Rather, this phrase should be understood by construing it as “Napoleon was Spirit-on-horseback, Spirit participating in the act of Napoleon sitting on horseback.” This does not detract from the sublime conjunction of the high and the low that occurs with Spirit, namely the fact that Spirit is there and actual in the body of Napoleon on horseback—i.e. Spirit is a thing. But it shows that, as we said before, the totality of Spirit itself is only Spirit, is not able to be confined itself within one particular piece of the world of beings, though it is within it. Spirit is only is the basis and the result of this piece. Again like Foucault, this view led to charges of idealism, especially as the later works of Hegel took only the Spiritual view of society, psychology, nature and other subjects: many were outraged that Hegel viewed things as real only in the aspects that supposedly possessed this interpersonal, non-personal, elusive, frustrating stuff he called Spirit. This was not the case with the Phenomenology, which led a reader gradually to understand the Spiritual view of things from the regular, un-Hegelian perspective. But above all, the question for those like Feuerbach remains—what type of action is Napoleon here? What, more specifically than meaning, can allow us to distinguish another type of Spiritual act in the future if we see one? Hegel refuses to specify.
Unlike Foucault, however, despite this ambivalence, we already see that this conception of Spirit irreducible to a type of action indeed allowed Hegel remarkable specificity in what was considered meaningful Spiritual action: as we saw, an action was not Spiritual when it did not take up meaning and the accumulation of meaning in its unfolding. Elaborating on the consequences of this, we can see two main spheres of occurrences excluded from the realm of Spirituality. First, a mere happening, like the chemical processes within a leaf on a tree, was not Spiritual. It did not take up meaning but left meaning alone, and confined itself to a mere operation that would ensure its own growth. This is why we have to continually use the phrase “world of beings” when referring to the world that participates in Hegel’s Spirit: using just “world” would invite the assumption that the natural world, which for the most part leaves meaning alone, was meaningful. The Spiritual world is a world of beings, of things that exist in meaning. Indeed, Hegel called this sphere of what in itself leaves the issue of meaning alone and keeps to itself “nature.” Along with these “natural” types of happenings, there was also a second sphere of happenings that left meaning as it was, did not change meaning, like the death of the poor in the streets of Berlin. This was a mere fact: it occurred, but it did not alter anything within the Spiritual world of beings; it was a result of the changes in meaning that constituted the meaningful—such as the general opinion within Berlin of the poor, that they did not (like the bourgeoisie) work hard enough and thus deserved their poverty. If this were to change, and change because of a poor person dying in the streets, then the death was meaningful, was Spiritual. But as it was it just issued from the general formation of Spirit at that time. For Hegel, the question was not whether these types of actions should matter or not, but whether they genuinely contributed to the development of the world of beings in history. What was absolutely clear was that if they did not, then they were excluded from this history—the history of meaning.
Now, the best Hegelians, like Feuerbach and Marx, did not quibble with the question of whether Hegel was being idealist or not merely by invoking something interpersonal, elusive, etc. as reality, which was and still is the most prevalent and most banal criticism of Hegel. Rather they saw precisely these exclusions and what caused them as the foremost problem: in the end, it was not Hegel’s ambivalence towards specifying a particular type of action that would constitute Spirit and reality, but the specificity this ambivalence produced which tyrannized any attempt to analyze phenomena within the world of beings, any attempt to get at reality. How could one tell whether something was genuinely part of the world of meaningful beings or not? And were Hegel’s judgments as to what was meaningful anywhere near correct? Here the stakes are high, for if something was not deemed Spiritual, it simply did not need to count as meaningful. More: it did not really exist from the perspective of reality. With one move, Hegel made all the findings of natural science into things that were interesting, but did not count—because they related to a world of “nature.” Was this correct? Did the findings of science constitute no truth, nothing eternally meaningful in itself for beings, but the truth that resulted from their altering the ability of beings to mean—that is, for Hegel, that a certain modern model of science was invoked to solve a problem? Were there not natural truths, like gravity? Similarly, were there not truths about society and the operation of society? Is the poor worker dying in the street to be regarded forever only as a mere effect of the development of meaning? Hegel apparently could tell that these things did not matter, for he could divine what was meaningful. But for others who followed him, how could they legitimately see something that fell within these two spheres and tell whether it was meaningful or not? In the late 1830’s and early 1840’s, clear historical figures like Napoleon were gone, and the task at hand was precisely to divine, within the poor cities and in the sciences, what was meaningful!
This is where Hegel’s followers—most were former students of Hegel, still in their youth—split. The Right Hegelians decided to remain in a perspective that could see only “Napoleonic” forces, and simply looked around them and affirmed that these two spheres were as unimportant as Hegel said they were. This amounted to saying that the current state of their society was meaningful and did not need to change unless some larger, recognizably meaningful force came on the scene. These were mostly students of Hegel who had risen to positions within the German universities and taught the coherence of Hegel’s perspective to the next generation of philosophy students. As Hegel was celebrated within certain spheres of the academics, most notably in Berlin among Hegel’s old colleagues, and as these academics now controlled the ability to appoint younger faculty, these young Right Hegelians seeking steady positions within the educational system could espouse this view of Hegel in their dissertations and in their classes (that is, the view Hegel’s old contemporaries held—this is why Marx calls this young group the “Old Hegelians” in The German Ideology) and ensure themselves a post as well as success. It was not merely a matter of allegiances to a “doctrinal” view of Hegel that got these Right Hegelians the posts, either: affirming the current state of society had no problem of poverty was a political move—thus most of these Right Hegelians tended to be “Right” or conservative in their political views. The Left Hegelians, which included Feuerbach and, for a time, Marx, simply took the opposite approach, attempting to revise Hegel to be able to see into these two spheres. In doing so, each had to somehow address the first, which as we saw dealt with the position of “nature” in Hegel, in order to address the second, more interesting (to them) sphere concerning the state of society and its inadequacies—again we see this as a political move, a “Leftist” or liberal move.
To be continued...