Tuesday, March 10, 2009

Rationality

It strikes me, reading Habermas, that his achievement is (among many, many things) not so much the linkage of critical thought to empirical inquiry, nor the theorization of a rich notion of communication, but the recuperation of a field of rationality that remains less decidable than many thinkers (postmodern especially) would like to believe. Or rather, he understands that if you take their word for it, rationality (in its Enlightenment form) is so overarching, so massive in its effects, and so singularly responsible for the worst fictions about acting subjects and their world that one would think real discerning, responsible uses of it are few, or at least very hard to find--and affirms that this is the case. In other words, Habermas on a certain level restores meaning to reason by affirming what anti-Enlightenment thinkers say about reason: that a genuine use of it is very hard to find, even though it is everywhere. He then allows one to say that what we need is not to focus on how reason is ubiquitous and responsible for all atrocities, but on what a real genuinely responsible use of reason might actually look like.
It's not that we should brush off the effects of rationality. It's that, after reading something like Dialectic of Enlightenment, or Heidegger's accounts of reason, you lose all sense of the specificity of reason, and therefore any way (rational or irrational) of turning reason back towards the cultivation of a responsible function. As should be clear from my hesitant parenthesis here, this view also trades in a not unwarrented concern that any correction of reason will itself have to be rational--Freud in particular helped us see (and still helps us see) just how hard it is to think of something truly beyond reason, or that won't use reason against itself precisely in the effort to think reason's limits.
For me, Habermas gets a little too odd when he begins to say that the relative invisibility of genuine acts of reason means, not that they are rare, but that they are indeed everywhere: that certain aspects of practical action are themselves expressions of a certain form of rationality. This leads him to start to outline the amazing notions of the public sphere and discourse ethics. But I would rather he deemphasized the rationality of practical action and thought it more purely as mere action which may occasionally have a rational dimension. This would stay truer to the insight I'm outlining above: that reason is not as ubiquitous as we might think it is. This of course precisely means that reason isn't elevated into any particular good in itself, but that it remains just like any other specific (that is, not practical or pragmatic, as in Habermas) form of action that we engage in. It has its own specificity, and its own determinate or (at least) determinable force.
But in the end what we see is that there is a realm which thinking that is anti-Enlightenment and anti-reason overlooks when it understands rationality in its particular sense: the realm in which the extension of reason, its genuine deployment, remains undecidable as to its effects (Derrida, for his part, will theorize precisely this undecidability of reason, and it is in this that he is most powerful, I think--attempting as he is the project of Freud sketched above, but with greater rigor). In the anti-rationality model, it could either prop up various forms of technical and political domination, or it could allow liberation. What Habermas continually emphasizes (and Heidegger does this too, to his great merit, though with different motivations) is that the either/or here is way too rigid and is itself an effect of the ideology of those dominant forces, as well as the aspects of the liberatory forces which counter-productively rely on their opposition to the dominant. Rationality is only operative in the space at which it is extending itself or distributing itself further and further, such that it can be appropriated by both sides. This means that the use of reason isn't inherently, just because it is reason, going to fall into the hands of either. Again, I don't think that this space is as sustained in forms of practical and pragmatic action as Habermas does (I think it takes place in smaller spheres, like the classroom), but I do think he's right when he says that the cultivation of a sort of mastery of--or at bottom at least some ability to redirect--this space is what is crucial, and is what is left out in many accounts of reason. If one understands reason like Habermas does, one can begin to think about what its place should be--which is more than any mere denunciation of it (or an account of it that merely adds up to a denunciation of it) can really do.

3 comments:

Evan said...

Something tells me you might really like Stanley Cavell's _The Claim of Reason_ (originally called _The Claim to Rationality_, when he submitted it as his Ph.D. thesis). Between him and Habermas, I think they save most of what's worth keeping from the Cartesian/Kantian rational subject. Like (you're saying) Habermas, Cavell sees reason as simultaneously a very rare thing and totally oppressively omnipresent and dominant in our culture (and this is particularly understandable view if you're an analytic philosopher sympathetic to Continental philosophy and existentialism). Anyway... might be worth a look.

Amir said...

I wonder if the thrust of postmodern criticism towards Habermas is not so much that postmodern thinkers reject 'Reason' and Habermas sees some potential in it, but that Habermas is still insistent on using the word "Reason," the delimited master signifier, as any ground for a positive philosophy. It's not so much that postmodern thinkers reject reason but that they take diversify it, and reveal the multiplicity in it, its historical variations--attacking any claim of a foundational or essential core of "Reason." Yet Habermas still insists that there is such a foundational core that can be redeemed and used for emancipatory means. I wonder if this a valid characterization of the conflict.

Michael said...

Thanks for the recommendation Evan! And, Amir, I get what you're saying, but I also don't get it. I mean, what you say about Habermas in the end is what you're saying about the postmoderns:

Habermas still insists that there is such a foundational core that can be redeemed and used for emancipatory means.

Doesn't this mean the exact same thing as:

It's not so much that postmodern thinkers reject reason but that they take diversify it, and reveal the multiplicity in it, its historical variations...?

I mean, part of the interesting thing about Habermas is that he thinks that reason is historical: that's why he looks to the 18th century public sphere. If you're saying, though, that Habermas ends up championing this as a sort of atemporal model which can be extracted from that century and applied now, I'd be inclined to believe this criticism. But frankly, how is the postmodern act of revealing the multiplicity and variation any different than this either?

It seems to me rather that Habermas doesn't use the word "reason" with the right tone, one of suspicion and cynicism. And as long as he doesn't do that, the postmoderns will not like him. As for Habermas, he doesn't use the word "postmodern" without a suspicious tone--which fans the flames. I just see a lot of people talking past each other because they're too buddied up into camps. They want to judge who is more "in the right." But really, does philosophy work by being in the right about something? Anyway, its frustrating to see postmodernists reject a philosopher just because he disses postmodernism. Derrida, for one, realized this--to the horror of many of his followers--and actually talked to the guy! He himself might have gone too overboard--trying to show a lot of solidarity by agreeing with him a lot ("Habermas is in the right!") but the gesture I think is significant.